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Thursday, March 24, 2011

True History of the Creole Choctaws of pre & post 1803 LPT


The Choctaw Indians

The Choctaw of Louisiana are the most widely dispersed group, the East Baton Rouge Parish community representing principally mixed-blood Choctaw descendants now living in an urban setting. The other relict Choctaw groups represent eighteenth-century bands that moved into the present state under Spanish dominion.

The largest contemporary Choctaw populations are descended from eighteenth-century Choctaw settlements in Rapides Parish and on the Ouachita River. These groups now compose the Jena Band of Choctaw and another, unrelated group, the Clifton community, In 1903 some of the Louisiana Choctaw joined members of their tribe living in Oklahoma.

Although most Louisiana Choctaw have been conservative, only the Jena Band has retained the language and traditional Choctaw crafts. Their old religion continued as an intact unit to the 1940s.

They make good use of a tribal center funded by a grant from the Department of Housing and Urban Development and a tribal recreation facility. The Clifton community operates a recreation area for its youth and, depending on the availability of grant funds, a tribal center or office. Both groups feature tribal organizations with elected officials.

Today, many Indians work in industrial areas, on offshore oil rigs, on crew boats, as farmers, and as loggers. A few are college graduates, and though they share in Louisiana's lamentably high dropout rate, more and more are finishing high school. Still, incomes remain low, and the tribes suffer from years of exclusion from schools or , as in Terrebonne and Lafourche parishes, from a poorly developed tripartite school system.

The Choctaw displaced some native tribes, such as the Adai west of Natchitoches, and moved into the empty lands along the Ouachita River, on Catahoula Prairie, along Bayou Nezpique, and south of Bayou Boeuf near Indian Creek at Woodworth and Glenmora. By 1807, they were known to be scattered across present-day north Louisiana from the Ouachita River to the Sabine.

The Lipan Apache, or Connechi, who had been introduced by the French and Spanish as slaves, became well established near Natchitoches among the Hispanic and Choctaw families at Spanish Lake, along the Sabine River, and among the free people of color near Cane River.

A large new Indian population had begun to develop in south-western Louisiana in the mid-nineteenth century. Apparently, immigrants from the Carolinas and Georgia sought areas where there were Indian or mixed Indian and black-and-white families.

Today, these early Carolinians and Georgians would nearly all be from families bearing surnames and associated with the nontribal groups in those states with the strongest Indian identities, such as the lumbee, Haliwa, and Westoes. These were the people who came to be identified as "Red Bones." That pejorative evidently came from the West Indies, where Red Ibo was a label for any mixture of races. According to Joey Dillard, a recognized authority on black English, the West Indian term, pronounced "Reddy Bone," may well have been pronounced "Red Bone" in Louisiana and the Carolinas.

Both Indians and Red Bones long have been marginal to the plantation areas of Louisiana. The Indian settlements were in the swamps, pine woods, and marshes, and their closest non-Indian neighbors most often were white yeoman farmers, Acadians, and Scotch-Irish, who owned no slaves. If Indians lived near a plantation, the owner became their patron, offering them credit and protection from exploitation, at least by others. In exchange, they were required to hunt, entertain guests with ball games and dances, make baskets, tan hides, and perform other services that might, on occasion, include the recovery of runaway slaves.

The Choctaw became the most widespread Indian population in Louisiana. Small groups of them were to be found in the Florida parishes, on lower Bayou Lafourche, from the Chicot settlement to the banks of the upper Calcaieu River in central Louisiana, in the Bayou Boeuf drainage, and scattered across the hills of northern Lousiana from the Ouachita River to the Sabine. They had villages on Bayou Nezpique and the German Coast along the Mississippi. Gradually, they filled the Florida parishes.

During the half-century from 1780 to 1830, the Choctaw prospered and grew, even at the expense of other tribes like the Adai and Biloxi, until Choctaw became nearly synonymous with Indian in much of Louisiana. Their influence had been almost universal among the southeastern tribes for years by the time the Treaty of Choctaw Removal, in effect from 1828 to 1835, had been signed with the federal government.

The Choctaw had become so entrenched that those offered a chance to leave refused to go, and some of the eminent Louisiana chiefs, like Tuscahoma, who had signed the early Hopewell Treaty in Mississippi, declined to move their constituents to the newly designated Indian Territory in present-day Oklahoma. Dominique Rouquette, a friend of the Louisiana Choctaw, has left a lively description of the situations in 1850.

The Choctaw obstinately refuse to abandon the different parishes of Louisiana, where they are grouped in small family tribes, and live in rough huts in the vicinity of plantations, and hunt for the planters, who trade for the games they kill all they need: powder, lead, corn, woolen covers, etc. Their huts are generally [surrounded] by a fence. In this enclosure their families plant corn, pumpkins and potatoes, and raise chickens.
The women use a kind of cane, which they knew how to dye different colors, to make baskets: lottes [baskets carried on the back], vans [winnowing baskets] and sieves, from which they derived a good profit. They also sold medicinal plants which they gathered from the forests: Virginia snake-root, sage, plantain, tarragon, wild fruit, pommetes [medlars] blue bottle, persimmons, and scuppernongs; also roots of sequiena, sarsaparilla and sassafras. They also do a little training in ground turtles, which they find on the prairies. They dispose of these wares at the plantations, in country towns, and at New Orleans.

This description fits closely the people from the Florida parishes, Indian Creek, and Natchitoches, and even matches the oral traditions of aged contemporary Louisiana Choctaw. It could characterize other immigrants as well. There is some evidence that it describes most of the Louisiana Indians in the first half of the nineteenth century.

Rosa Jackson Pierite, a Choctaw-Biloxi from Indian Creek, has described how, in the 1920's, her mother and sisters put their baskets in a sheet, bundled it over a pole, and walked twelve miles from their homes near Indian Creek to Alexandria: "We spread them on street corners and sold them to passers-by." Rouquette has described a similar scene from nineteenth-century New Orleans.

Nothing is more interesting to the tourists than to see them [the Choctaw] wandering along the streets of La Reine du Sud (the Queen of the South), La Cite du Croissant (Crescent City) with their pauvres pacotilles (small, cheap wares), in their picturesque costumes, half savages and half civilized, followed by a number of children of all ages, half naked, and carrying on their backs a papoose snugly wrapped in the blanket, with which they envelope themselves, like a squirrel in moss.

Sometimes they squat in a circle, at the big market place, on the banks of the old river, patiently waiting with downcast eyes, for the chalandes [customers] who buy what they offer, more for the sake of charity than from necessity.

The nineteenth-century Indian population, dominated by Biloxi, Chitimacha, Choctaw, and Tunica, was relatively large and important. At some point after the Americans assumed control, these people apparently had been relegated to such ecological niches as swamps, marshes, and infertile pine woods, and the whites, with their black slaves and intensive agriculture, took over the rich alluvial bottomlands.

The Indians eventually became dependant on the market economy, Lead, powder, axes, firearms, and European-style clothing began to replace traditional technology and costumes. Some Indians like the Choctaw, rejected the white man's wages, identifying them. Decimated by disease and was, and fearful of slavery and of losing land and legal rights, the tribes slowly began to deal with the dominant whites in ways increasingly circumspect and guarded.

Artists such as basket makers were considered to be peddling, a low-status occupation in the eyes of non-Indians. Hunters were considered unreliable, almost objects of ridicule. Social contacts with non-Indians were largely restricted to practically momentary encounters, so the ball games, dances, and the sacred rituals of religion became matters of curiosity and sources of entertainment for white planters' families and friends. Offered removal to Indian Territory and an alternative way of life, most Indian people rejected the chance, not once but twice.

Apparently, the Indians took little interest in the Civil War. Most chose not to fight. They did not wish to defend slavery, which was repugnant to them, and they had no rights to defend, states' or other. A second Indian removal occurred when the Choctaw nation and others in Indian Territory became fearful that they would lose their lands to whites. The Bureau of Indian Affairs in 1900 began to seek Indians, especially full bloods, eligible for enrollment and tribal allotments in Oklahoma. Both government and private agents went to Louisiana and Mississippi to recruit emigrants, and soon to the Louisiana Indians were boarding steamboats.

The majority eventually returned to their homes in Louisiana, but some remained in Oklahoma, most near the former Choctaw nation. Once word of the twentieth-century removal had spread, even some of the conservative Mississippi Choctaw fled to Louisiana communities after seeing Choctaw in Scott and Newton counties loaded into boxcars.

By this time the Louisiana Indians had become "invisible people." Most simply kept to themselves and were either ignored or harassed by whites. Until 1925, minimum contact was the preferred approach in relations between Indians and whites. One by one, tribes have asserted themselves. Only since 1960 have some communities had recourse to outside aid and study.


The troubled immigrant tribes, gathered from far and wide, found homes in Louisiana. They are still there, living in company with descendants of people from many other parts of the world, who have given Louisiana its amazing mosaic of cultures.

The Historic Indian Tribes of Louisiana "From 1542 to the Present"

By: Fred B. Kniffen

Hiram F. Gregory

George A. Stokes

Sunday, March 20, 2011

National Inflation Association Addresses Latest BLS CPI Inflation Data

Corruption Sucks Blog has been warning the public about this problem since 2003!





NIA Addresses Latest BLS CPI Inflation Data

The U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics (BLS) reported their latest consumer price index (CPI) inflation data this past Thursday. According to the BLS, U.S. consumer prices for the month of February 2011 were up 2.11% on a year-over-year basis compared with February 2010.

February’s year-over-year increase of 2.11% was up 29% from January’s year-over-year increase of 1.63% and is now above the Federal Reserve’s informal inflation target of 1.5% to 2%.

Even the manipulated BLS numbers are showing that price inflation is beginning to spiral out of control, yet the mainstream media is doing everything possible to downplay inflation. Despite the BLS’s reported rate of price inflation rising above the Fed’s target, the media is ignoring this and referring to “core CPI”, which excludes food and energy (the two very things Americans need the most to live and survive). The media is focusing on the core CPI number, which was up 1.09% from a year ago compared to a year-over-year increase of 0.95% in January (even the growth of this meaningless number is rapidly rising), and saying that inflation remains below the Fed’s target.

On a month-to-month basis, the CPI rose 0.5% in February. This was based off of a 2.2% monthly increase in unadjusted gasoline prices. The U.S. government’s own Department of Energy (DOE) reported gasoline prices up 3.7% last month (which NIA considers to be a lot more reliable). Based on a 3.7% increase in gasoline prices like the DOE reported, the month-to-month increase in the CPI was actually 0.6%.

NIA believes that real year-over-year price inflation in the U.S. is now approximately 6% on a conservative basis. NIA predicts that even the BLS’s artificially low manipulated CPI will rise above 3% on a year-over-year basis by the early summer.

In November of 2010, the CPI was only up 1.1% on a year-over-year basis. At 2.11% in the month of February, the CPI’s year-over-year growth has risen by 92% over a period of just three months. In percentage terms, it is shocking just how fast CPI increases are rapidly accelerating. Yet, not one person in the mainstream media is pointing to this 92% figure, which NIA considers to be the most important (it is probably the most accurate piece of data that we can possibly derive from the BLS’s CPI reporting).

The media continues to say inflation is low and not a problem. At the current rate of 92% in quarterly (three month) increases to year-over-year CPI growth, the CPI’s year-over-year increases could exceed 4.05% by May, but NIA is being conservative with its projection of 3% in official reported year-over-year CPI growth to be reached by June of 2011. By then, NIA believes real price inflation will be around 7%. In our opinion, real U.S. price inflation is likely to rise into the double-digits in the second half of 2011.

It is important to spread the word about NIA to as many people as possible, as quickly as possible, if you want America to survive hyperinflation. Please tell everybody you know to become members of NIA for free immediately at: http://inflation.us/

Wednesday, March 16, 2011

American Creole Indian National History: Ancient West Feliciana Houma-Choctaws



American Creole Indian Nationalist: 



"The term"tri-racial isolates" is distasteful today, but its existence is part of history that we must recognize....


"As details have fallen together, it has become apparent that the isolate groups are, in fact, remnant Native American communities that have remained outside the official system of recognized tribes."   (Ned Heite)


American Creole Indians command INDISPUTABLE aboriginal sovereign rights. We DO NOT abdicate or defer these rights.

The State of Arkansas a Creole Indian Territory of our ancient ancestors direct descendants and cousins, The Ancient Caddo, Choctaw, Houma & others who intermarried with Creoles for survival & destiny, officially acknowledged these indigenous ethnic group rights by way of the Arkansas Department of Education in 2005 after a year-long highly intensive and exhaustive Equity Assistance Center (EAC) investigatory review.
  
As the Great State of Arkansas has ALREADY done, we, the 1803 Louisiana Purchase Treaty American Creole Indian Nation, unified descendant's of the aboriginal ethnic tribes, bands & clans of our Inheritance Land, are calling upon the federal government and all state governments to acknowledge their legal obligations under the 1803 Louisiana Purchase Treaty (a bilateral NOT unilateral agreement), and to repair any and all damage for any and all infractions thereof. 

"On November 30, 1803, according to stipulations in the Louisiana Purchase Treaty and by formal action, the French rendered the entire Louisiana Territory an absolutely free country. And it remained that way until circa 1818, when the legislature of the newly formed state of Louisiana ruled otherwise.

By those acts, in deliberate violation of the LPT, Louisiana became just another Jim Crow State in the Deep South. At the time of the American takeover of the vast Louisiana Territory, tens of thousands of indigenous people and people with lineage to Africa were among the inhabitants.

Some were free, but most were slaves. Nevertheless, neither free or slave was ever apprised of their treaty rights. Consequently, both the so-called free people of color and the slaves were forced to suffer the realities of degradation, hostility, and other forms of inequities brought about by segregation, discrimination, racism and bigotry.


Naturally, an undercurrent of resentment against the Americans flowed throughout the Creole community. And that resentment did not begin to abate until after World War II. Prior to that war, the older Creoles did not refer to themselves as Americans.They considered it an offense should anyone else referred to them as Americans. I saw many older Creoles spit on the ground after mentioning the word "Merican.""


Louisiana Creole Gilbert E. Martin, Creole Treaty Rights
E Pluribus Unum- Out Of Many, ONE
Chief Elder Ean Lee Bordeaux, pro per
D'Choctaw Clan- Band Bordeaux 
The Ancient West Feliciana Parish Houma-Choctaws


Our Choctaw ancestors are well-known.  Our Ancient West Feliciana Parish Houma ancestors are much less known.  We, The Ancient Houma-Choctaw of West Feliciana Parish, stayed put, when most of our fellow clansmen, now called the United Houma Nation (UHN), "went"-more like, were driven south.  

Many of us intermarried with the Creole & Redbone planters that protected and maintained Houma-Choctaw interests and cultures and shared we our fates together.  We refused to allow our unique Creole-Tribal cultures to be assimilated, no matter the threat, no matter how small our remnant bands became.

HISTORY
Most researchers universally accept the early history of the Houma (1682-circa 1765). The tribe enters the historical record in the journal of LaSalle in 1682 when the explorer notes that he passed their village but does not visit them. They were visited by Tonti in 1686 and D’Iberville in 1699 beginning a friendship with the French that continues to this day.

In 1706 the Houma left their village, located at the site of the modern-day Angola Penitentiary, and began a southward migration that brought them to the area of the LaFourche Post in the mid-1700’s. Conflict arises when we attempt to connect these historic Houma with the United Houma Nation of today. Indeed the gist of the Bureau of Indian Affairs decision to not Federally Recognize the UHN is tied to this one point. In the opinion of this bureaucracy the tribe can not make this all-important historic tie-in. Presented here in this chapter is a simple presentation of facts that I feel were overlooked. They show a clear link between the United Houma Nation and the historic Houma Tribe.

In 1793, Judice ( 3 June 1793 PPC ) reports a Houma population that remained relatively stable over the preceding ten years;

“All the body of this ( Houma ) Nation forms no more than ninety persons.
15 in a village at Cantrelle’s
17 in a village at Verret’s
58 in a village at Judice’s
( 13 men, 22 women, 23 children )

whose places were all located near the confluence of Bayou LaFourche an the Mississippi River at Donaldsonville.”

Just downriver from the LaFourche at Cabahanoce ( St. James ), situated side by side, were the resident plantations of Judice, Cantrelle and Verret. In the forested backlands of these landholdings were the three Houma villages listed by Judice. These settlements had existed at least since 1783, corresponding with the end of Galvez’s campaigns against the British.

These types of settlements and their relationship to the colonial plantation system are well documented.


“By the nineteenth century….they moved to isolated areas-swamps and pinewoods-not in demand by the expanding plantation economy of the time. Planters used Indian hunters to augment their meat supplies, to track down runaway slaves and to provide entertainment. Stickball games and even traditional dances were held on the plantations to amuse the planter’s guest….The bands of Choctaw and other Indians were permitted to live in the back-swamps or in hill areas of plantations. Creole planters became patrons of these groups and frequently attempted to protect them from Anglo-American intruders.”( The Historic Indian Tribes of Louisiana, Kniffen, Gregory and Stokes 1987 )

By tracking the Houma references in the PPC and correlating the leaders most associated with the different planters ( Judice, Cantrelle and Verret ) I believe we get a clear picture of which tribal leader lead which band.

The 15 at Cantrelle’s were lead by Mico-Houma or Chac-Chouma, at Judice’s was the remnant of Calabe’s band, numbering 58, now lead by Mingo Oujo, while at Verret’s was the band of 17 lead by Natiabe. It is this band at Verret’s that would become the ancestors of the UHN.

With Nicolas Verret and the PPC reference to a Houma village on his plantation comes a firm historic link. Nicolas Verret had a liaison with a woman named Marianne ( parentage unknown ), a free woman of color. From this union two sons are born, Zenon and Paulin Verret. These two eventually marry into the UHN ancestral community and have extensive documented relationships with known UHN ancestors. It is not, therefore, unreasonable to assume that Marianne, her sons and the UHN ancestors were all part of the Houma settlement at Verret’s in 1793.

The Houma village on Bayou Cane, called Whiskey Point by the local settlers [ a corruption of Ouisky the Houma word for cane ] was initially established as a seasonal settlement, probably while they were still at Verrets.

“From all indications, Indians moved freely from plantation to plantation to hunt and possibly raise crops for themselves and their patrons.” ( Bill Starna 1996 )

It is important to note that Verret had a large land grant on Bayou Terrebonne that encompassed the Bayou Cane area. Bayou Terrebonne and the surrounding area at this time was a vast wilderness virtually uninhabited by any save the Indians.

“….Finally, few Acadians dared to explore, and only seven families actually occupied lands in the densely forested, natural levee along Bayou Terrebonne.” (The Founding of New Acadia, Carl Brassaux, 1987)

The early church records of the UHN ancestral community such as the 1808 marriage of Jacques Billiot and Rosalie Courteau and the 1809 marriage of Michel Dardar and Adelaide Billiot were witnessed by landowners from upper Bayou Terrebonne such as Thibodaux and Malbough. It is the Bayou Cane village and the Indians that lived there that became the namesake of the town founded in 1834.

“Court, in the early days of the Parish, was held in a little building on Bayou Cane. On May 10th, 1834, Richard H. Grange and Hubert M. Belanger donated to the Parish of Terrebonne the property on which the present Courthouse and other public buildings are situated. This land was valued at the time at $ 150. The land on each side of this was laid off into town lots and the town of Houma came into existence, bearing the name of the Indian tribe that lived and loved and worshipped among its groves, the ancient Houmas, which means the sun….” (Directory of the Parish of Terrebonne, E.C.Wurzlow, 1897)

Also of note are the oral histories of the tribe that tell of the Houma Courthouse being built on Rosalie Courteau’s land. The misunderstanding has been that it was not the modern courthouse but rather the original one on Bayou Cane. Sometime after the American takeover in 1803 the Houma tribe filed a claim to twelve sections of land, 7680 acres, on Bayou Black/Boeuf.


“The Houma tribe of Indians claims a tract of land lying on Bayou Boeuf or Bayou Black, containing twelve sections. We know of no law of the United States by which a tribe of Indians have a right to claim land as a donation.” ( ASP 1834 3:265, 1817 )

This appears to be an attempt by the Houma to secure a land base in the face of a growing White population. Likely, they hoped the American Government would honor the Louisiana Purchase Agreement in which they promised to continue the Louisiana Colonial land policies that respected, for the most part, tribal landclaims.

Unfortunately the claim was rejected but it stands as evidence of a Houma presence in the area during this period. At this time Bayou Black ( called Bayou Boeuf on its western end ) flowed from the swamplands northwest of the town of Houma. The bayou cut through the backlands of the tribes Bayou Cane settlement, hence it would be logical to assume that the tribe at Bayou Cane and the tribe that filed the landclaim where one in the same.

It is the contention of the BIA’s Branch of Acknowledgement and Research that the ancestors of the UHN were not a tribe at the beginning of the nineteenth century but rather a few Indian individuals who married into the surrounding population and eventually produced a separate community. [a so-called tri-racial isolate or island]

This theory is clearly contradicted by the following chart (1) of baptisms. The initial perception has been that they took place within a white community but a closer examination of the dates ( Monday July 7th, and Tuesday July 8th, 1817 and Wednesday Dec. 16th, and Thursday Dec. 17th, 1818 ) reveal these to be mid-week services taking place within the UHN community.

The White sponsors of the baptisms were, for the most part, a single extended family that lived near the Houma’s lower bayou settlement.It may have been in there house that the actual service was held, the nature of the service was describe a couple generations later.

“I went to visit all those families who cannot come to church. These visits took me two weeks…to see those who are in the islands neighboring Bayou Terrebonne. The people are not able to come to church. I go from time to time among them for baptisms and communions. These are practically all decent well-disposed Indians. I have already given communion to a good many of them. When I arrive among these people they gather ( from ) all the islands to attend Mass. I stay in the house most suitable. One sees that the sight of a priest makes them happy and it is with sorrow that they see me leave them. The day of departure ( having ) come, they take great pleasure in taking me to the embarkation”. ( Fr. Dene’ce to Monsignor, 10 Dec., 1868 )

With these records we see a single Houma community in the early nineteenth century, with no distinction between Billiot, Courteau or Verdin. As the community continues we see it again in 1836 ( chart 2 ) as the tribe attempts to secure another land base, this time in the wilderness west of Pointe Coupee near the town of Fordoce. Perhaps it was the efforts of the American Government at the time to remove tribes to the Indian Territory that persuaded the Houma to abandon this area but it does serve to show the continuation of a Houma community.

Lastly, we consider the history of Abbe Rouquette and the St. Tammany Choctaw. Father Rouquette was a missionary to the Choctaw community centered around Bayou LaCombe in the mid to late 1800’s. Twice in the text is mention of the Indians of Barataria who are invited to the annual Feast of the Dead and are also invited to the funeral of Abbe Rouquette in 1887. At this time the ancestors of the UHN are known to inhabit the Barataria area.

By tying these scattered documents and references into a single narrative we see a single Houma community from 1783 on into the late nineteenth century. A community that links directly to the modern United Houma Nation.

This clearly contradicts the Branch’s assertion that the Houma of Bayou Terrebonne between 1809 and 1820 “….did not live in a distinct, identifiable Indian community-geographically, socially or politically.”

And it shows that their decision to not recognize the UHN was based on bias and ignorance.


History (Timeline)

1682 Lasalle notes existence of Houma tribe at intersection of Mississippi River and Red River.
1685 Tonti records first European-Houma contact
1699 Houma tribe visited by Iberville
1706 Large numbers of Houmas perish in Tunica massacre. Segment of Houma tribe moves south from Angola area.
1
718 Houmas negotiate peace between Chitimacha and the French.

1723 Tunica and Natchez tribes seek peace with the Houmas.
1763 Peace Treaty of Parish places Houmas hunting grounds under control of the English and villages in Spanish territory.
1765 Houma and Alabama warriors raid the British fort Bute, at Manchac, during the waning days of the Pontiac rebellion.
1766 Houma tribe moves south from Donaldsonville.
1774 Mississippi east bank Houma village is sold to Conway and Latil.
1800 Houmas begin to move to present location in Terrebonne and Lafourche Parish.
1803 U.S. buys large tract of land from France: the Louisiana Purchase Daniel Clark reports only 60 Houmas remaining above New Orleans.
1806 John Sibley reports to the U.S. Secretary of State that Houmas “scarcely exist as a nation.”
1811 Author H.M. Brackenridge writes that Houmas “extinct”.
Houma Chiefs (including Louis Savage) meet with  W.C.C. Claiborne, governor of the Louisiana Territory, to formalize relations with the United States.
1814 Houma tribe files land claim with U.S. government.
1821 John J. Audubon mentions presence of Houmas in Southern Louisiana.
1832 The death of Louis Savage, famous Houma Chief and maternal uncle of Rosalie Courteaux.
1834 The town of Houma, Louisiana is founded, named after the Houma Indian village in the vicinity.
1840 The Houmas southern migration was at an end.
1859 Rosalie Courteaux purchases “large amount” of land for Houma tribe.
1870-80’s Houma spread west from Lafourche Parish and Terrebonne Parish to St. Mary Parish.
1883 The death of Rosalie Courteaux heroine and matriarch of the Houma People.
The seven principal Houma settlements at the beginning of the twentieth century were: DuLarge, Dulac, Montegut, Point Barre, Point au Chene, Isle de jean Charles, Grand Bois and Golden Meadow.
1907 John Swanton “re-discovers” the Houmas.
1918 Henry Billiot loses his court challenge to enter his children in public school. This was the first, recorded, formal assault by the tribe on the Terrebonne parish School System.
1920 Houma tribe begins to seek federal recognition.
1931-40 Houma tribe contacted and “studied” by Bureau of Indian Affairs (BIA) officials and anthropologist Nash, Underhill, Meyer, and Speck.
1932 Protestant education mission schools open for Indian students in Terrebonne at Dulac, DuLarge, and Pointe-aux-Chene.
1935 The dedication service for Clanton Chapel in Dulac, “the only Indian church in Louisiana” at the time.
1940-48 Parochial and public elementary schools open for Indian students in Terrebonne Parish
Late 1950’s Houmas are allowed to attend Indian schools up to the seventh grade.
1960 Stoutenburgh lists Houmas as “extinct”.
1963 Houma children admitted to public schools.
1963 Frank Naquin, the community leader in Golden Meadow, sends Helen Gindrat and Delores Terrebonne to the American Indian conference in Chicago. This event would become the catalyst for the modern political movements in the Houma community.
1972 Houma Tribes, Inc. is established at Golden Meadow in Lafourche Parish.
1974 Houma Alliance, Inc. is established at Dulac in Terrebonne Parish.  First Title V Indian Education program is funded in Lafourche & Terrebonne parish.
1975 Houma tribe joins with other Indian tribes of Louisiana to form the Inter-tribal Council.
1975 – present United Houma Nation administers grants & job training programs in association with Inter-tribal Council.
1979 First formal meeting of the United Houma nation Tribal council after the merger of the Houma Tribe and the Houma Alliance.
1985 United Houma Nation files petition for federal recognition.
1986 United Houma Nation under the leadership of Chairman Kirby Verret and Vice-Chairwoman Helen Gindrat
1990 Tribal roll books closed. Only newborns can be registered.
1991 BIA places United Houma Nation on active status.
1992 Laura Billiot elected Chairwoman of United Houma Nation.
1993 Tribal enrollment numbers 17,000.
1994 United Houma Nation receives negative proposed findings.
1996 United Houma Nation files rebuttal to negative proposed findings.
1997- 2011 United Houma Nation under the leadership of Brenda Dardar Robichaux, Chairwoman and Michael Dardar, Vice-Chairman.
1999 The Houma Tribal Council meets with a delegation of French Senators. Principal chief Brenda Dardar Robichaux is presented with a medal from the French Government, becoming the first “Medal Chief” since the colonial period.
1996-present United Houma Nation awaits its final determination from the Bureau of Indian Affairs.

June 19, 2011 Thomas Dardar Jr. sworn in as new principal chief of the United Houma Nation. He takes over from Brenda Dardar Robichaux after 13 years.


May 22, 2014 HARTFORD, Conn. — The U.S. Interior Department announced proposed changes to the rules for granting federal recognition to American Indian tribes, revisions that could make it easier for some groups to achieve status that brings increased benefits as well as opportunities for commercial development.



The Bureau of Indian Affairs said it overhauled the rules to make tribal acknowledgment more transparent and efficient.


The changes include a requirement that tribes demonstrate political authority since 1934, where they previously had to show continuity from “historical times.” That change was first proposed in an earlier draft and stirred criticism that the standards for recognition were being watered down.

Kevin Washburn, an assistant secretary with Indian Affairs, said the rules are no less rigorous. He said 1934 was chosen as a dividing line because that was the year Congress accepted the existence of tribes as political entities.

“The proposed rule would slightly modify criteria to make it more consistent with the way we’ve been applying the criteria in the past,” Washburn said in an interview.

Gerald Gray, chairman of Montana’s Little Shell Tribe of Chippewa Indians, said the change offers the path to recognition that his people have sought for decades.

The landless tribe of about 4,500 members has been recognized by Montana since 2000, but its bid for federal recognition was rejected in 2009 partly because the tribe could not document continuity through the early part of the 20th century. Gray said the denial illustrated how the process is broken.

“For a lot of the Plains tribes, and Indians in the country as a whole, there’s oral history but not a lot of written history,” Gray said. “But we can prove our existence as a tribal entity and having a tribal government back to [1934].”

The newly published rules represent the first overhaul in two decades for a recognition process that has been criticized as slow, inconsistent and overly susceptible to political influence. The Interior Department held consultations on the draft proposal across the country in the summer of 2013 accepted comment for at least 60 days before the rules were to be finalized.


Thursday, March 3, 2011

Did India Block Blogger?


Did India Block Blogger?




There are reports coming in that Blogger (aka BlogSpot) is unavailable for numerous India users without the assistance of a proxy.

Users are already sounding off upon the official Blogger forums, although one user is suspecting that the block is not due to technical difficulties (which is my first assumption) but rather due to “big brother.”
Blogspot Blogs are increasingly becoming non-accessible in India. Surprisingly, if a person uses a proxy, she can have access to her blog. This logically means that Indian Internet Service Providers (ISPs) are blocking access to Blogspot Blogs in India.

Why this step has been taken is still not known. Even at Google’s Help Forum this question has been put for further discussion and diagnosis of the problem. But even at the Forum the possibility of Blogspot being Blocked/Censored has not been ruled out. (CJNEWS India)
This isn’t the first time India has blocked Blogger, although right now neither the Indian government or Google have issued any public statements regarding why numerous users can not log into Blogger or  view their blogs online.

While the optimist in me is hoping that this is nothing but a technical difficulty with an ISP, hopefully this isn’t yet another attempt at government censorship.

Note: For those of you in India, can you confirm or deny this report?

New NIA Silver Stock Suggestions

 


We are extremely pleased about the success of NIA's latest stock suggestions!


NIA's latest stock suggestion Garibaldi Resources Corp (TSX Venture: GGI) reached a new 52-week high on February 23rd, 2011, of $0.56 for a gain of 90% from our December 28th, 2010, suggestion price of $0.295 and a gain of 44% from its December 29th, 2010, closing price of $0.39!


NIA's second to latest stock suggestion U.S. Silver Corporation (TSX Venture: USA) reached a new 52-week high on November 9th, 2010, of $0.83 for a gain of 196% from our September 20th, 2010, suggestion price of $0.28!


NIA's third to latest stock suggestion Canadian Zinc Corp (TSX: CZN) reached a new 52-week high on February 22nd, 2011, of $1.56 for a gain of 322% from our July 28th, 2010, suggestion price of $0.37!


NIA's fourth to latest stock suggestion Pyramid Oil Company (PDO) reached a new 52-week high on February 24th, 2011, of $9.40 for a gain of 114% from our June 15th, 2010, suggestion price of $4.39!


NIA's fifth to latest stock suggestion Coeur d'Alene Mines Corporation (CDE) reached a new 52-week high on February 28th, 2011, of $31.94 for a gain of 78% from our May 3rd, 2010, suggestion price of $17.92!


NIA's sixth to latest stock suggestion Revett Minerals Inc (RVMID) reached a new 52-week high on January 4th, 2011, of $5.221 for a gain of 161% from our May 3rd, 2010, suggestion price of $1.9975!

On October 4th, NIA released an exclusive private silver stock report to a select group of NIA members about our President's largest silver stock holding. The stock was $1 at the time of our report and it closed at a new 52-week high on February 28th, 2011, of $3.94 for a gain of 294% in less than five months, making it the best performing silver stock out of all the silver stocks we follow! (This stock opened the day after our announcement at $1.07.) Our President still holds his entire position!


On October 10th, NIA released an exclusive private gold stock report to a select group of NIA members about our President's largest gold stock holding. The stock was $0.82 at the time of our report and it closed on February 28th, 2011, at $1.51 for a gain of 84% in less than five months! (This stock opened the day after our announcement at $1.145.) Our President still holds his entire position!


NIA's President has spent the recent weeks researching nearly every single silver company in existence that trades publicly in the American and Canadian markets. We have come across three companies that are worthy of NIA making official stock suggestions. These three companies by far appear to have the greatest upside potential for large short and long-term gains with the least downside risk. These three companies have never been suggested either publicly or privately by NIA in the past. NIA will be suggesting them for the first time ever in the days ahead in an exclusive private report that we will never post publicly on Inflation.us.


To learn how you can receive our President's three new silver stock suggestions, please go to: http://inflation.us/silverstocksuggestions.html

We appreciate your support of NIA!


Past performance is not an indicator of future returns. Neither NIA nor its co-founders are registered investment advisors or broker/dealers. NIA does not recommend whether to buy, sell, or hold securities. NIA's President owns 183,000 shares of GGI that he purchased at $0.28. He agreed to a 90-day holding period from the time of NIA's original profile of GGI on December 28th, 2010. He will NOT sell any of his 183,000 GGI shares within this holding period. However, he MAY sell some or all of his 183,000 shares at any time after this holding period. 


Also please be aware that NIA's President and others associated with NIA may have previously disseminated information on GGI to other newsletters and media outlets. NIA's President owns 3,500 shares of CDE and could sell them at any time. NIA's President owns 10,000 shares of RVMID and could sell them at any time.

Tuesday, March 1, 2011

Money Missing in Jacksonville Arkansas: Paul Mushrush Resigns







Rizelle Aaron Naacp February 28 at 8:46pm 

We have sent a request to the Legislative Joint Auditing Chair Senator Bill Pritchard, Legislative Joint Auditing-Counties and Municipalities Chair Representative Toni Bradford, State Senator Jonathon Dismang and State Representative Mark Perry. 

The request is to do an independent audit of the city's finances based on information we received that a significant amount of money is missing. 

The Director of Finance for Jacksonville Mr. Paul Mushrush resigned. Mr. Mushrush seems to be a real good guy. I don't believe he has done anything criminal or intentional, but someone else may have and we need to find the money.

Ex-dictators face trial over kidnapping of babies born to dissidents

 
 


Argentina puts its past on trial
Two ex-dictators face trial over kidnapping of babies born to dissidents during mulitary rule.
Last Modified: 01 Mar 2011 09:42 GMT

Jorge Videla and Reynaldo Bignone, Argentina's two former dictators, have gone on trial over the kidnapping of hundreds of babies born to political dissidents during military rule in the 1970s and 80s.

Videla headed Argentina's military leadership from 1976 to 1981, while Bignone ruled from 1982-1983. They are on trial with six other defendants.

While the children were adopted by families friendly to the military leadership, their parents were rarely heard from again

Al Jazeera's Teresa Bo reports from Buenos Aires.
Source:
Al Jazeera

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